And if, by running after the people, they will cut elites In this presidential campaign that looks like no other, the two leading candidates, Nicolas Sarkozy and Ségolène Royal, have in common to want to regain the popular electorate which, on April 21, 2002 (first round of the presidential election) and may 29, 2005 (referendum on Europe), clearly marked his defiance to the two main parties of Government. "The policy must be based on the reality of the lives of people, be attentive to the lessons that the people give," proclaims the Socialist candidate. Practical work: Porto, last week, the Socialist candidate does not, hesitate to European Socialists, to challenge the rising rates decided by the European Central Bank and request that it be "subject to political decisions." Immediately, experts point out that this challenge to the independence of the ECB would entail a revision of the European treaties and that there is no majority for doing so. "Did we not still there", replies Ségolène Royal, but "it had to begin to say out loud what everyone thinks any lower." In Nicolas Sarkozy, listening to the people, his felt also occupy a central place not only in its communication strategy, but in the statement of its proposals. Thus, on the question relocations, the President of the UMP chooses do not minimize the problem. "There are territories, women and men who are marginalized into the mainstream of globalization." We cannot let them down. "And did not stint on remedies:" For me, the word "Community preference" is not a dirty word." "The word"protection"nor" (1).
How far will they go In the spheres gentle in the France at the top, there is concern. And increasingly more openly. First, it is a collective of economists, members of the Council of economic analysis, which published a long article to castigate the rise of a sort of "electoral protectionism." "'No' victory did jump the European taboo", deplore Patrick Artus, Elie Cohen and Jean Pisani-Ferry, in is surprising to find in the proposals of the parties of Government "of the answers which had previously appeared in those of the extreme left or extreme right-wing" (2). It is then a former honcho, Jean Peyrelevade, close to the Socialist Party, which announces its rally for François Bayrou, taking note of the suffered defeat, according to him, through the reform that was trying to embody Dominique Strauss-Kahn. "I am afraid that the left in General and the PS in particular are hit a kind of regression," he writes (3), denouncing the recovery of a "French exception" which would see the world as it is. Is still the economy Minister, Thierry Breton, who, in a forum at the "voices" (4), called "educational effort" on the big issues economic to put an end "to the trial of intent" and to accept certain "necessary changes to French growth". "Teaching before the election, is the insurance to be able to deliver on its economic promises after", insists, visibly worried by the turn taken the campaign. Finally, it is a great boss, Michel Pébereau, reminds the two major parties a duty of truth to inflation of electoral promises poorly funded,: "the question of public finances is the most important of the public debate." We must not dodge it. "If we do, we would our country in a situation of great handicap to others", has just said the President of BNP Paribas, who chaired the commission on the public debt (5).

Behind this flow of criticism or warnings, there are actually two fears. First, to see the two leading candidates to be lead in a race to populism, which would enhance the feeling, the experience of the voter rather than to appeal to reason. What the two parties concerned can respond that, when two-thirds of voters are would defy or feel out system (6), it is vain to want to appeal to the reason. It is better to try to reintegrate them in the political game by showing he is listening to them and that their opinion is taken into account. "I want to raise in this campaign, it is a collective burst," says Ségolène Royal by promising to "build with all a profound change". For its part, Nicolas Sarkozy is committed to developing a new relationship "trust" ("in the word given") and "respect" (each "individual" French). That is, the gap which is installed between the rulers and ruled. In doing so, the two candidates are on a true line of Ridge: they must both show voters that they heard them where, for example, their language muscular on Europe without the risk of any break where the corrigenda of Ségolène Royal on the ECB, which is not matter, she says, "call in question the independence", but only "omnipotence". Haute voltige exercise which does not lead to any desired clarity.
And this is where the second concern expressed by what might be called "the camp of reason". To see the campaign revolve around the pot and ignore the "real issues" are, for example, the debt, the financing of pensions, dependence, the insufficient competitiveness of the French offer support... This trial is, say, classical: each campaign is seen flourish, as today, work of experts (7) inviting policy not to do the impasse on the ungrateful subjects. Not indeed without good reason, because escape problems eventually become more anxiety-provoking to treat them. Is that it is not at all sure that voters, tired by thirty years of creeping crisis, are immediately susceptible to rigorous language, even though the issue of purchasing power is on everyone's lips. Here again, Nicolas Sarkozy and Ségolène Royal have to manage difficult to overcome contradictions. They have been one and the other that, prior to advancing specific proposals, they had to, to restore meaning to political action, say values the rehabilitation of the work, the return to just order. This is why it will have to wait the end of the campaign to bring to trial them. In the meantime, it may be noted only that if the populist risk exists, it is not yet certain.